Endnotes
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A Dallas-based immigration attorney notes that "increased
security concerns and tightened immigration procedures are making it more
difficult
for foreigners who want to invest in the United States to qualify
for permanent or extended residence, or ultimately become naturalized citizens." He
goes on to note that "[a] greater strictness on immigration status
after entry, moving from temporary visitor status to citizenship,
and a heightened scrutiny of special visas are the main problems foreigners
have
to face. "In particular", he adds, "many foreigners who
have occupied second homes in the United States are now faced
with the need to re-enter, sometimes as often as every 30 days. Unless
they can
successfully resolve problem with visas and residence status,
many will ultimately sell their U.S. property" (Moore,
2002).
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As a pertinent aside, some religious groups, especially
Jewish charities and organizations, which tend to be concentrated in
large
cities, contend that insurance companies are unfairly targeting
them with rate
hikes (Insurance Day, 2002). Some of the affected groups reportedly
have been forced to cut staff and services in order to pay
the premiums (Goldsmith,
2002).
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We should acknowledge here that an extensive research
record exists on emergency preparedness and response planning for
natural disasters
in urban areas (e.g., Kunreuther and Roth, 1998; Chang, 200;
Tobin and Montz, 1997; Zeigler, Johnson, and Brunn, 1996; Suarez-Villa
and Walrod,
1999). Some might argue that the lessons learned from such
events can
be used to successfully buttress preparedness for a terrorist
attack. We are skeptical of the direct transferability of these
lessons for the following reasons. Threats of natural disasters are,
in large part,
predictable
not only in terms of geographical location (e.g., specific
areas of the U.S. are known to be hurricane-, flood-, or earthquake-prone),
but
also
periodicity (e.g., a hundred year flood), speed of onset,
and human response (hypo-vigilant behavior typically characterizes
responses to warnings
of impending disaster) (Zeigler, Brunn, and Johnson, 1983).
Because of
their reliance on deception and surprise to kill innocent
people, and disrupt, destabilize, or destroy the social, economic,
and political
fabric of U.S. society, terrorists are unpredictable on all
of these
dimensions and therefore are likely to create far more public
anxiety than the threat of a natural disaster, which is typically
viewed as an act of God. Prior research on hazards and disasters
of technological
origin suggest that, in terms of public perceptions and human
response, a terrorist attack may be more akin to the threat of
a nuclear reactor
accident, which, as was observed during the incident at Three
Mile
Island in 1979, is likely to generate a high level of hyper-vigilant
behavior, including spontaneous evacuation, owing to the high level of
uncertainty
and ambiguity surrounding the nature, magnitude, and geographic
scope
of the threat (Zeigler, Brunn, and Johnson, 1983; Johnson
and Zeigler, 1983; Zeigler and Johnson, 1984; Johnson and Zeigler,
1986a,b). And finally, whereas the duration effects of natural
disasters are usually
short-term,
we believe 9/11 will remain firmly etched in the minds of
the U.S. public for years to come, owing to vivid repeated images
of
the planes
crashing
into the World Trade Center Towers. Further, we believe the
fear of future terrorist attacks will remain great due to: (1)
widespread public
knowledge
post 9/11 that over 300,000 U.S. landmarks are potential
targets for terrorism; (2) highly visible symbols of heightened
security at airports,
seaports, office buildings, and vulnerable landmarks, which
serve as
constant reminders of the ever-present terrorism threat;
(3) government intelligence gathering on potential terror threats
and security
breaches at U.S. facilities and border checkpoints, which will
periodically prompt
the Department of Homeland Security to elevate the nation's
terrorism threat level; and (4) round-the-clock media coverage
of terrorist plots
and incidents in other parts of the world.
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Hart and Rudman (2002) contend that one of the greatest
risk is that, "...only
the tiniest percentage of containers, ships, trucks, and trains
that enter the United States each day are subject to examination
-- and a weapon
of mass destruction could well be hidden among this cargo." Elsewhere,
we have outlined a four-fold, comprehensive strategy, which will
address this problem and other risks identified in the Council
on Foreign Relations
Report without constraining international commerce and trans-border
population movements (Johnson, 2002a)
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For example, a Wall Street disaster contingency plan,
developed by, "the
Federal Reserve Board, Securities and Exchange Commission, and
the Office of the Controller of Currency...to safeguard the critical
financial
markets from future terror attacks or other disruptions," calls for
the development of, "out-of-region backup sites that would be separated,
at great distances, from New York locations." It has been estimated
that, if this plan is fully implemented, 20-25 percent of New
York City's financial services jobs would be lost (Feiden, 2002).
Brenner (2002, p.8)
reports that Manhattan-based firms are establishing four types
of back-up sites outside of New York City: hot sites, which are
ready to be used immediately
in an emergency; sister sites, which are used by some employees
but have excess capacity if an act of terrorism or a natural
disaster disables the company's
primary sites; warm sites, which have no desks, computers, or
telephones, but have all the hook ups in place and can become
operational in 24 to
48 hours; and cold sites, which consist only of a building shell
and would take longer to be ready for use.
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According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, "among the
workers laid off because of the terrorist attacks, 39 percent, or
44,756 workers, had
been employed in the scheduled air transportation industry. An
additional 28 percent, or 32,044 workers, had been employed in hotels
and motels" (MLR,
2002).
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For a detailed discussion of the forces responsible for
growing inequality in U.S. cities and metro areas during the 1990s, see
Johnson and
Farrell (1998) and Bobo, Oliver, Johnson, and Valenzuela (2000).
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